Which side do you want to win in Libya? Is a question that will attract sharp divisions among the migrants fleeing Libya, even among those who come from the same country. Many Bengalis I spoke to are inclined to stick to the "devil that you know" as one of them put it to me. "You see, when it comes to foreigners, the problem is really not Col. Gaddafi. He knows he needs foreigners to build his country as well as to act as a bulwark against his own people," one migrant said.

When I asked him to explain, Murshed al Haq, a migrant from Bengladesh told me that Libyans were extremely Xenophobic. They were afraid of, but did not like their leader. As a way to counter this, Col. Gaddafi embraces foreigners whom he hopes will one day help him. "It paid off," he said.

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He said he had no problems in Libya as far as the government was concerned. "You know, the Libyan government is very welcoming. Once you enter the country you are bound to find a job, no questions asked." He said that he believed Libya has more irregular migrants than any country in the Arab world. He puts this down to the "forgiving nature" of the government towards migrants.

Murshed prays that Col. Gaddafi emerges victorious in the current civil strife. He is sure to return to Libya if the Col. wins. "I don’t think the opposition will allow us back. Their current war cry is against foreigners."

For Paul Esiamah, a migrant from Ghana who arrived in Libya in 2000, the choice is not that straightforward. Having suffered two detentions for reporting a Libyan foreman at a construction site who refused to pay him his dues, and having lost his entire savings during each detention, he had no soft spot for Col. Gaddafi. He however said his support for the opposition does not stem from his love of them or from an expectation that Africans will be treated better under their rule because, he says, "Libyans will not change their arrogant attitudes towards black people."

Paul says his support for the opposition emanates from his own democratic convictions. He became philosophical about it and added that the Libyan people were just as victimized as the sub-Saharan Africans.

"It is a natural by-product of a totalitarian system that does not allow fresh air to reach mind and soul." He believes it is because of the prolonged oppression that the Libyans are what they are.

"You know, in Libya, one cannot dare pronounce Col. Gaddafi’s name in public. We, the Ghanaians and Nigerians, have a nickname for him. We call him "Kweku Atta." Kweku Atta said this today, Kweku Atta will do that tomorrow, and so on."

Paul explained that "Kweku Atta" meant "He who was born on Wednesday." He said the name was already in circulation when he arrived in Libya in 2000 and nobody could explain how it related to Col. Gaddafi. "It seems the original name-givers had spent their time in Libya and moved on. You cannot put these things in writing." He chuckled.

The more I interviewed migrants from different backgrounds, the more I became confused as to my assessment of Col. Gaddafi’s popularity among the estimated 2 million migrant workers. The Egyptians would complain about being stripped of their money and belongings during their flight out of Libya. They even asked me if their government would help them to get compensations. But on the same breath they had only good things to say about the Colonel, ascribing bad treatment to the Colonel's enemies. That's the case with the Bengalis, the Somalis and the Eritreans, with some variations among individuals.

On the other hand, many black sub-Saharan Africans are on the side of the opposition. I asked myself, is it a question of geography, religion, race, political orientation or simply, personal interest?

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